‘Increasing every day’: Voters line up across Missouri for chance to cast ballot early

by Rudi Keller, Missouri Independent
October 30, 2024

Don’t call it early voting. It is “no excuse absentee” voting.

Whatever the name, it is clearly popular in Missouri. As of late-morning Tuesday, more than 100,000 St. Louis County voters had cast ballots. That is nearly 20% of the total vote recorded in the county in the 2020 presidential race.

Across the Missouri River in St. Charles County, the story is the same. 

St. Charles, second in total 2020 ballots only to St. Louis County among Missouri’s 116 voting jurisdictions, had more than 35,000 votes cast when the offices closed on Monday, Kurt Bahr, the county’s director of elections.

Bahr is operating two locations for no-excuse absentee voting. 

Missouri’s law allowing two weeks for no-excuse absentee voting passed in 2022. It was included in a bill that also mandated the use of a government-issued identification for voting.

The two weeks of early voting was the price state Senate Democrats extracted for allowing the bill to come to a vote.

Some of the early votes in the St. Charles County tally are traditional absentee ballots, for people who will be out of town or physically unable to go to the polls Nov. 5, Bahr said. But the vast majority are people who are taking advantage of the new law to cast ballots when every election authority in the state is open for in-person voting.

“If I do another 5,000 today, which we’re likely to do, between my office and the satellite location, we’re gonna get over the number of voters who voted in the April election in its entirety,” Bahr said.

In Greene County, which had the fourth largest vote recorded in 2020, about 2,500 people cast a ballot each day last week, increasing to 3,000 on Monday, Clerk Shane Schoeller said.

“I anticipate by the end of the no excuse absentee voting period that we will be somewhere between 20 and 25% turnout,” Schoeller said. 

And in Boone County, which ranked ninth in 2020 with 91,130 votes cast for president, the number who have already voted is nearing the total absentee vote of 14,000 from 2020, when the COVID-19 pandemic led a large number of people to use a vote-by-mail option.

Boone County Clerk Brianna Lennon said 2,000 people voted Saturday at polling locations in a shopping mall and a centrally located park. This weekend, she will take the mobile polling stations to Ashland and Centralia, the two largest communities in the county outside Columbia.

“It has been increasing every day,” Lennon said.

And in smaller jurisdictions, the turnout is just as strong. Cape Girardeau County in southeast Missouri had 1,400 ballots cast in the first two days of no-excuse absentee voting, Clerk Kara Clark Summers said last week.

“There are lines of people voting,” she said on Thursday. “I was here until 7:30 last night.”

While St. Louis County is the only top-10 voting jurisdiction to post turnout numbers on its website, news outlets across the state are reporting long lines and many people waiting 45 minutes or an hour to vote at many clerk’s offices.

But the delays don’t seem to deter anyone, Bahr said. There are parking issues at his central location and it can take up to a half hour or longer to find a parking spot. He runs a shuttle from a nearby church parking lot to ease traffic.

People are showing up in pairs and trios and generally are in a good mood, he said.

“Early voting tends to be a little bit more of a social event for voters,” Bahr said.

A traditional absentee ballot is cast because someone will be out of town or physically unable to go to the polls on Election Day. Liberal groups nationwide have pushed early voting as a way to boost participation, while it has generally been opposed by conservatives who argue it increases the chances for problems with the election.

The first election when the no-excuse early voting option was available in Missouri was November 2022.

This is the first presidential election using the new law and Lennon said she thinks part of the surge is word-of-mouth sharing from people who have already voted.

“It’s just people realizing that we have the option now,” she said. “But a lot of them, too, are just people worried that they’re not going to be able to make it to the polls on Election Day. They don’t want to have to worry about ‘what if an emergency happens’”

Kathy Ritter, a retired educator who voted Tuesday at the Boone County Government Center in Columbia, said she loved having the ability to just show up and vote at any time during the day.

“It’s a wonderful convenience for our community,” she said. “The line was long, but it went quickly.”

Missouri employers are required by law to give workers three hours leave to vote on Election Day, but only if the employee requests it in advance and does not have three hours when they are not working while the polls are open.

“Just having the flexibility of voting in the days before the one day, because that one day, especially for people who work, it can be difficult to squeeze in time to vote,” Ritter said.

Voter ID link

The ties between early voting and the voter identification law aren’t just that they were included in the same bill. As their price for including it, Republicans demanded language that ended the no-excuse absentee voting if the identification provisions were thrown out by the courts.

Missouri Republicans have pushed what’s known as a photo-ID law through several times, and voters signed off on putting it in the state constitution in 2016, it has never withstood a legal challenge. 

Missouri voter ID trial digs into purpose, results of strict 2022 law

The new law is facing a court test and the ruling could come at any time. On Oct. 21, Circuit Judge Jon Beetem heard final arguments in a challenge filed in 2022 and took the case under advisement.

The lawsuit focuses on the burdens faced by three individuals obtaining state-issued identification. The problems include finding transportation to a state license office, misspellings on important documents or lack of those documents entirely due to age.

To qualify as acceptable for voting, the identification must be Missouri- or federally issued with a photo, date of birth and an expiration date. Identification that has expired since the most recent general election is also acceptable.

A voter who does not have one of those forms of identification can cast a provisional ballot. For that ballot to be counted, the voter must return to the polling place and show an acceptable ID or hope that the signature on the ballot is considered a valid match with their signature on file.

Prior to the law taking effect in 2022, a voter could also use an out-of-state driver’s license or identification card, a student identification, a voter registration card issued by the local election authority, or a recent bank statement or utility bill mailed to them at their registered address.

If Beetem rules against the law, there will be demands that it be re-enacted without any caveats, said Bahr, a former state representative.

“There’d be an outcry because most voters, Republican, Democrat, general voters, like this accessibility to their ballot box and like the convenience of not having to worry about a single day,” Bahr said.

Schoeller, who also served in the legislature, said he, too, thinks there would be people pressuring for the law to be re-enacted if the courts strike down the identification law.

“I’ve always been a proponent of it, especially after becoming an election authority when you realize that when you concentrate all your problems on the day of the election, that creates a lot of challenges for voters,” he said.

The popularity of early voting does not appear to be partisan. St. Louis County voted 61% for Joe Biden in 2020 and St. Charles County voted 58% for Trump. 

Election authorities like it as much, if not more, than voters, Bahr said.

“​​One, we like people voting. We like to help people,” Bahr said. “And two, if everything is in one day, you know, there’s always that fear of ‘what happens if something goes bad.’ But if we can handle issues early, then we can take care of it over a span of time.”

Election Day impact

There will not be any delays in delivering election results to the public because of the extra early votes, both Bahr and Lennon said.

It generally takes her office about an hour after polls close to release absentee results and that won’t change, Lennon said.

The surge of early votes could point to a large increase in overall turnout, but election authorities are not forecasting much change from four years ago.

There are very high profile ballot measures this year for abortion rights and sports wagering, but the only statewide candidate race where large sums have been spent on advertising is the U.S. Senate contest.  

About 70% of Missouri’s registered voters cast ballots in the 2020 election and that is the estimate Secretary of State Jay Ashcrorft is making for this year, spokesman JoDonn Chaney said.

That’s Lennon’s estimate for Boone County as well. The early voting period changes when people vote but she doesn’t expect it to lead to a big increase in participation.

“I’m sticking with 70,” she said. “It was 70% in 2020, so I feel pretty confident.”

Bahr said he anticipates 75% turnout in St. Charles County, about the same as 2020.

For Ritter, voting in Boone County, the urge to vote right away was overwhelming.

“I was so excited to vote and so motivated to vote that I couldn’t wait until Nov. 5 to do it,” she said.

She wants civility in politics, she said, and that’s what she voted for.

“I’m looking for some sanity in politics, and I just felt like my little voice could be heard,” Ritter said. “And if it could be heard, I’m going to put it out there today.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: [email protected]. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Would sports betting boost Missouri school funding? There’s no guarantee, experts say

by Meg Cunningham and Maria Benevento, Beacon: Missouri
October 22, 2024

Missourians are being bombarded with ads promoting Amendment 2, a constitutional amendment to legalize sports betting. 

The betting operators urging voters to legalize sports betting say it would bring “tens of millions of dollars in education funding for our children and our schools.” 

But others aren’t so sure. It’s a familiar guarantee about casino or lottery campaigns — that betting generates money for Missouri schools. Political scientists and experts on the Missouri state budget say promising gambling revenue to education doesn’t necessarily boost school spending. 

A review by the state auditor found that sports betting could generate anywhere from zero to almost $29 million annually. The number depends on a lot of factors, such as how much Missourians bet, the amount of promotional bets that are placed tax-free and how much the Missouri Gaming Commission spends on operating costs. 

No matter how much the revenue may be, there’s no guarantee that it will mean an increase to the state’s education budget. 

“During a campaign, supporters always tout the most generous forecast of revenue coming in,” said Peverill Squire, a political science professor at the University of Missouri. “The revenues probably won’t be as high as what’s being promised.” 

How will taxation actually work? 

The revenue that comes from sports bets will be taxed at 10%, half the rate at which casino gambling is taxed. 

But skeptics say that the amendment’s language doesn’t detail the collection of that 10% tax. 

The ballot measure says that a 10% wagering tax will be imposed on any revenue. But it doesn’t outline who may collect that tax, or the methods for doing so. 

Compare that to 2022’s amendment to legalize recreational marijuana. That measure laid out a path for the tax revenue, stating the tax must be paid to the Missouri Department of Revenue. Then the department is allowed to retain a small percentage for its own costs and any remaining money should be deposited by the department into a specific fund for veterans’ health care. 

A similar path for sports betting tax collection isn’t laid out in Amendment 2. 

“There have been questions raised because the ballot measure did not include the mechanism for funding that it needs to,” said Amy Blouin, the president and CEO of the left-leaning Missouri Budget Project. 

“Some of this stuff might have to be figured out in court if it were to pass,” Blouin said. “There are legitimate questions about whether or not this was ready for prime time … if some basic requirements are missing from the language.” 

The Department of Revenue reached the same conclusion in the fiscal information it sent to the state auditor’s office about the amendment. 

“Without the identification of an agency to collect the tax, no tax can be collected. Therefore, it appears this section will not generate any revenue to the state, the (gaming) Commission or to the Compulsive Gaming Prevention Fund,” the fiscal note said. 

Lawyers representing the Amendment 2 campaign wrote in a memo in January that the Department of Revenue has the independent authority under the Missouri Constitution and state law to collect taxes. 

“The Department has authority to collect taxes (including this new tax) and it should know that,” the memo said. 

Outside of a potential fix in the courts, the top Democrat on the Missouri House Budget Committee said the legislature may have to work around the amendment and come up with language to actually collect the tax. 

But he’s not too optimistic. 

“Historically, it’s not easy to get a Republican legislature to pass a bill about this topic to begin with, let alone a tax collection bill,” said Rep. Peter Merideth of St. Louis. 

How do school districts feel about Missouri Amendment 2? 

Public school districts and education groups are largely neutral on whether or not the amendment should pass. But some doubt whether it would put more funding in classrooms. 

During an Independence School Board meeting in October, Superintendent Dale Herl urged voters not to let promises of education funding sway their vote on Amendment 2. 

He said tax revenue isn’t likely to add to education spending, based on school districts’ experience with other gambling taxes in the past. 

“My belief is that all it’s going to do is further supplant money that we would already be getting,” he said.  

Voters should instead reflect on what they think about sports betting itself, he said. 

“If you don’t want to go across the state line to place your Chiefs bet or Royals bet, I would say vote yes,” he said. “If you’re opposed to sports betting in Missouri, then vote no.” 

Spokespeople for Kansas City Public Schools, North Kansas City Schools and the Lee’s Summit School District said they had no position on the ballot measure and no comment on its potential impact. 

The Missouri Association of School Administrators said it has no position on Amendment 2 and pointed to a handout from the Missouri School Boards’ Association. 

The MSBA also doesn’t take a position on Amendment 2. But its handout casts doubt on how much money would go to education, especially for public schools. 

Amendment 2 doesn’t lay out what grade levels or services the funding could cover, or specify whether it will go to public or private schools. 

In contrast, Amendment 5, a separate question on the Nov. 5 ballot about authorizing an additional casino in the Lake of the Ozarks, says tax revenue would go toward early literacy programs in public elementary schools.

The lack of specificity “means that the state revenues from Amendment 2 could go to private and parochial schools in the state, not just public schools,” the MSBA handout says. “This is relevant as the state legislature continues to expand the state’s voucher programs and moves towards privatization of public education.”

Missouri’s state-sponsored private school scholarship program is currently funded through a system of offering donors tax credits, but some lawmakers have proposed that it be directly funded by the state. 

The MSBA handout also notes that if estimates are correct, schools around the state would only receive about $29 million annually, about 0.7% of the approximately $4 billion of state general revenue used to fund the K-12 education budget last year. 

That’s without factoring in the hit casino tax revenue for schools could take from competition with sports betting, MSBA said. 

The Missouri National Education Association, a teachers union, also takes no position on Amendment 2. The group’s summary notes that the amendment doesn’t authorize any specific entity to collect the tax and has few requirements for how the money can be used. 

The Missouri State Teachers Association, a professional organization, also doesn’t take a position on the amendment. 

“While there may be financial implications relating to education, the heart of this ballot question asks if Missourians would like to expand gambling in our state,” Matt Michelson, director of education policy, said in an email. “MSTA has a long tradition, and guidance from members, to maintain a strong focus on issues that directly impact public education.”

The measure has backing from both of Missouri’s candidates for governor, Democratic Rep. Crystal Quade and Republican Lt. Gov. Mike Kehoe. It also has backing from major sports teams in Missouri, including the St. Louis Cardinals and the Kansas City Chiefs, as well as The Kansas City Star and the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. 

“It is currently estimated that roughly $2 billion a year are placed in bets using offshore gaming websites, money that is currently not going back into our education system,” the campaign’s website reads. “By legalizing sports betting we are ensuring tens of millions of dollars in education funding for our children and our schools bringing that economic activity back to Missouri.” 

An August poll from St. Louis University and YouGov found that 50% of Missourians supported Amendment 2, while 30% were opposed.. 

That support hasn’t come without major spending from the campaign backing the amendment. The latest campaign finance reports show that the group has raised $21.5 million since its launch. 

The rocky relationship with gambling revenue and the General Assembly 

Aside from the unknown path to collect revenue, the amendment’s language doesn’t outline a guarantee that schools will actually get more funding when it comes to the overall state budget. 

The amendment’s language says the revenue will be appropriated to elementary, secondary and higher education schools in the state, after two conditions are met. First, the revenue will be used to reimburse the Missouri Gaming Commission for any costs it takes to oversee sports betting in Missouri. Second, a maximum payout of $5 million will go to Missouri’s compulsive gambling fund. 

Whatever revenue is left over would then be appropriated to schools after those two payouts are made. Critics of the measure say states such as Kansas and Indiana haven’t seen as much revenue as what was promised. Part of that reason is because revenues from promotional bets or free credits aren’t taxed.

Plus, a provision that accounts for “negative revenues” for sportsbooks might actually limit how much is being taxed. If exemptions and deductions exceed how much money sportsbooks take in, they aren’t taxed for the month. 

“If the amount of adjusted gross receipts in a calendar month is a negative figure, the licensee shall remit no sports wagering tax for that calendar month,” the constitutional amendment reads. “Any negative adjusted gross receipts shall be carried over and calculated as a deduction in the subsequent calendar months until the negative figure has been brought to a zero balance.”

The largest exemption for sportsbooks is always paying out the winners. That cuts into the company’s profits on paper and, consequently, its obligation to pay taxes. In February 2023, Kansas only collected $1,134 in taxes on sports betting because so many people won their bets. There were $194 million in wagers and $194.8 million in payouts.

To counter that problem, the campaign argues that because Missouri’s amendment includes a 25% cap for promotional or free credit bets for each sports betting operator, the state will collect more revenue. 

A study prepared for the campaign backing Amendment 2 found that Missouri sports betting operators would see $3.4 billion in bets placed in the first year of operation. The study estimated that total revenue would be $335 million, but more than $272 million of that would be from tax-deductible promotional credits. After deducting federal fees and uncollectible fees, Missouri would generate approximately $4.7 million in state tax revenue outside of license fee revenue. 

Lawmakers, though, could move around other parts of the state’s education budget. 

“The reality is there’s really not a lot you can do to protect monies from the General Assembly,” said Squire, the University of Missouri professor. “It’s very hard to limit their ability to shift budgets or shift monies around.” 

Squire pointed to the formula for funding public school transportation. It’s something that lawmakers put on the back burner in the overall education budget and haven’t always fully funded, leaving districts to take up the costs themselves of running buses and hiring drivers. 

“They can say, ‘Well, here’s new money coming into one area,’ and then slip money out in another area,” Squire said. “Given the experience that we’ve had with various programs that are supposedly protected, the legislature really won’t be constrained by any of the promises that have been made.” 

The campaign directed The Beacon to an Oct. 9 memo prepared by Alixandra Cossette, a Jefferson City attorney who filed the initiative petition. The memo says that the General Assembly will be tasked with interpreting Amendment 2’s language plainly, and that the money should be used as a supplement to already existing education budgets. 

A 2007 study of nationwide state lottery revenue spending from lawmakers found that some states outline in their legislation that lottery revenue must be used to supplement, not replace, funding that goes to education. Other states aren’t as specific, leaving room for money to be swapped with other parts of the budget. 

Some states also direct lottery revenue to specific funds related to K-12 public education, while others say the money should be spent on education more broadly. 

“While earmarking on this level falls short of ensuring lottery dollars are not fungible, its transparency and independence from the general education fund make it easier to measure the extent to which lottery dollars supplement previous public education spending,” the study concluded. 

Merideth also pointed to the year-to-year process of outlining the state budget. What happens with the revenue one year may not happen the next, he said. 

“The budget is the budget, and essentially, the legislature can’t tie the hands of future lawmakers on the budget,” said Merideth, the representative from St. Louis. “So it’s going to be a fight every year, basically, to try and make sure that they’re funding schools, just like it’s been every year.” 

This article first appeared on Beacon: Missouri and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Frustration about crime shapes race for next Jackson County prosecutor

by Mary Sanchez, Missouri Independent
October 23, 2024

Public anxiety about crime is fueling interest in the campaign to succeed longtime Jackson County Prosecutor Jean Peters Baker

Republican Tracey Chappell and Democrat Melesa Johnson are on the Nov. 5 ballot.

The candidates have attacked each other’s qualifications on social media and in person in the final stretch of the campaign.

That political drama is playing out amid mounting concerns among voters that criminal charges aren’t being filed on property crimes — especially car thefts, break-ins and drug cases. Recent incidents with guns in the hands of juveniles are drawing the attention of Waldo and Brookside residents, along with owners of restaurants and other small businesses in Westport, the Crossroads and the River Market.

It’s a broadening conversation often centered on the traumatic and disproportionate impact violent crime has on Black communities.

“Crime is bonding us all,” said Julie Prudden, a Realtor and Brookside resident.

Sharp differences

Chappell and Johnson have distinct differences in how they plan to approach the job. Chappell vows to be an aggressive criminal prosecutor, while Johnson promises a balance of prosecution and crime prevention efforts.

Chappell leans into her time as the appointed prosecutor for Blue Springs and her private defense practice, including cases where juveniles have been charged with violent crimes.

She speaks of getting tough on criminals and sees social justice programming as secondary to pursuing criminal convictions.

“We can’t afford to just program our way out of prosecution,” Chappell said.

Johnson promotes her lifelong connections to Kansas City’s urban core, her ability to strike a balance between crime prevention efforts and swift prosecution, and her experience as public safety director for Kansas City Mayor Quinton Lucas.

Johnson’s job in the mayor’s office gives her a role in the city’s latest anti-violence effort, SAVE KC, a model that focuses on people deemed most likely to be perpetrators or victims of violence.

“I am the only candidate with a real plan to bring meaningful change to our community,” Johnson said.

Each Wednesday morning, Johnson joins a Kansas City Police Department discussion analyzing  every shooting of the prior week — whether someone was grazed by a bullet or killed. It’s part of a strategy to be responsive to the trauma that gun violence inflicts. Police and other community-based programs can intervene before retaliatory violence occurs and offer help for the people impacted.

Campaign attacks

The candidates have also questioned each other’s qualifications.

Chappell repeatedly has asked if Johnson has ever tried a felony case during her time in the Jackson County prosecutor’s office. Johnson says she was involved in the prosecution of felony cases, including murders, but not as the lead prosecutor.

Johnson said her experience includes making opening statements, cross-examinations and preparing jury instructions in drug and murder trials.

“Your obsession with my resume versus your actual platform is concerning,” Johnson posted to Chappell’s campaign Facebook page.

Johnson has questioned why Chappell left previous legal work with the county, noting that Chappell filed a discrimination suit accusing the Jackson County counselor of discrimination.

Chappell joined the county counselor’s office in April 2008 and filed the discrimination suit in 2016.

Chappell’s lawsuit alleged that she was demoted from handling litigation to working the mental health docket after taking a three-month maternity leave. The suit alleged she was fired after filing a complaint with the Missouri Commission on Human Rights and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The case was settled in July 2018.

“The truth?” Chappell said. “I filed a disability discrimination lawsuit related to maternity leave issues that led to a firing — an issue close to my heart as both a mother and a legal professional.”

After leaving the county counselor’s office, Blue Springs hired Chappell as a contract city prosecutor from December 2018 through May 2022.

Anti-violence programs

The next Jackson County prosecutor’s office has historically played a role in a wide range of anti-violence efforts.

Kansas City, in coordination with local nonprofits and community leaders, is deeply invested in programs like SAVE KC and KC 360, led by KC Common Good.

“Safety and justice go hand in hand,” Johnson said.

SAVE KC is a revamp of a similar anti-violence program championed by Baker, KC NoVA, for Kansas City No Violence Alliance.

KC NoVA saw some early success, including a drop in homicides in 2014. But the program unraveled without the backing of former Police Chief Rick Smith.

Chappell questions if there is enough community buy-in for SAVE KC to be any more successful than KC NoVA, which she called a “snitch” program too reliant on expecting people to lead police to suspects in exchange for social service help.

“You have services right now that a person can get without snitching,” Chappell said. “If they wanted to take it, they could get help right now.”

Chappell has accused Johnson of being “a director of no one,” noting she functions without staff reporting to her.

“I’m the only one in this room who’s actually trained police officers on Fourth Amendment issues,” Chappell said, adding that she has experience training other prosecutors and staff during her time as prosecutor in Blue Springs.

Johnson promotes her time with the Jackson County prosecutor’s office early in her career.

“I am the only candidate in this race with felony prosecutorial experience and public safety administrative leadership experience as well,” Johnson said.

Johnson said she leads a city task force that works with businesses that have been plagued with public safety issues, finding them relief through numerous departments at City Hall.

Both candidates are critical of Baker, vowing to prosecute more property crimes and drug cases.

Johnson plans to form a property crimes division in the office, staffed in part by law students.

Chappell proposes satellite offices at police stations to work more collaboratively.

Focus on property crime

Baker has long emphasized that the prosecutor’s office can only file the cases it receives and that property crimes are notoriously difficult to solve.

In 2022, the Kansas City Police Department recorded 24,356 property crimes. Just 6.4% were sent to the prosecutor.

The same year, KCPD logged 7,587 violent crimes. Only 18% were sent to the prosecutor’s office.

“If they sent me another 1,000 property crimes a year I would do them,” Baker said. “I would file them. … It’s not because (police) are lazy or that they don’t care. It’s because they aren’t solving them.”

The prosecutor’s office is a check on police powers. A prosecutor has the discretion to decide whether evidence in a case supports a likely conviction.

In 2020, Baker began research that led her office to focus on drug cases with a connection to violent crime, declining to pursue charges in other, nonviolent cases.

Baker’s research showed a disproportionate number of nonfelony drug cases charging African American suspects (81% of buy-bust cases had a Black suspect, while the county is 39% Black).

Chappell and Johnson have vowed to charge more cases, even those without a tie to violence.

Most of the cases brought to the prosecutor’s office come from Kansas City police.

But the county also works with eastern Jackson County and law enforcement agencies from Independence, Lee’s Summit, Raytown, Grandview, Blue Springs, Greenwood, Lake Lotawana, Levasy, Lone Jack, Sugar Creek and the Missouri Highway Patrol.

Most cases processed and tried by the prosecutor’s office are felonies.

Misdemeanors are managed through the Municipal Court by city prosecutors.

Kansas City has seen 122 homicides as of Oct. 21 this year, compared to 152 at the same time a year ago, with 14 of the cases currently in the prosecutor’s office, according to Kansas City police.

Black men were the victims in 79 cases and the suspects in 76, by far the highest demographic group affected. A firearm was used in 116 of the cases.

KCPD data also show a 68% clearance rate, meaning at least one person was arrested and the case turned over for prosecution.

Teenagers with guns

In early October, two men and two juveniles were taken into police custody after a series of armed robberies in parking lots behind Brookside businesses.

Charges against the men, for robbery and armed criminal action, came swiftly after police pieced together fraudulent use of a credit card, victim statements and surveillance footage.

The county’s Family Court handles juvenile cases.

But the prosecutor can play a role if the Family Court judge certifies a teenager to stand trial as an adult.

Chappell said she’s more qualified to take on crime by juveniles because she has represented teenagers in her defense work and understands the laws of the family court system.

She believes the next prosecutor needs to be willing to charge teenagers prosecuted after they have been certified as adults by the court.

Johnson has criticized “giving slaps on the wrist” to violent juveniles, arguing that disrespects their victims and also the young people.

“We’re selling them a dream that they can conduct themselves in this way, without consequence,” she said.

This will “fast-track their journey to either a jail cell or a morgue for the rest of their life,” she added.

Johnson has also said that her work with Kansas City police, through her job as the city’s public safety director, gives her an understanding of cases where the parents of juveniles who commit crimes need to be held accountable.

“I see incidents where parents can be proven to be complicit in the criminal conduct of their children, or are criminally negligent,” she said.

The adult charges in the Brookside robberies are only the latest incidents that also involve young people as suspects or victims.

Of the homicides reported by KCPD so far this year, 13 victims were younger than 18. Another 27 were 18 to 24 years of age.

Prosecutor candidates in Jackson County

Tracey Chappell

Chappell is from Alabama but moved to Kansas City in 1997 and later enrolled in law school at the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

She’s running as a Republican in a Democratic-leaning county.

She identifies as conservative and said she does not plan to vote for either Donald Trump or Vice President Kamala Harris.

“But why bring national politics into something, into a local race?” she said.

Doing so, Chappell said of her opponents, is a “dog whistle” attempting to link her campaign to racially divisive comments made by Trump.

Chappell ran for Jackson County prosecutor in 2020 but was defeated handily by Baker.

Her platform includes a pledge of “safety for every ZIP code,” calling for prosecuting violent offenders and property crimes while protecting the rights of victims.

Chappell said that she has not tried to gain the endorsement of unions or other groups.

Melesa Johnson

Johnson grew up in the Oak Park neighborhood of Kansas City.

She often credits her single mother for working three jobs so Johnson could attend Bishop Miege High School.

Johnson graduated from Columbia University in New York with a bachelor’s degree in political science.

Her law degree is from the University of Missouri-Kansas City.

But it is her deep connections to Kansas City’s urban core that she often taps in forums, noting that she knows families who are fearful of their own neighborhoods because of rising gun violence.

She recently posed with Kevin Strickland, who was released after serving 43 years for murders that he didn’t commit.

She plans on invigorating the conviction integrity unit, if elected, running on a promise for “fairness, transparency, and accountability in our justice system.”

Johnson has been endorsed by numerous elected and civic leaders including Jackson County Executive Frank White, Kansas City Mayor Pro Tem Ryana Parks-Shaw, Kansas City Council member Melissa Robinson, longtime area leader Alvin Brooks and the community group Southland Progress.

This article first appeared on Beacon: Kansas City and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: [email protected]. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Missouri Chamber backs Democrats in two swing state Senate districts

by Jason Hancock, Missouri Independent
October 10, 2024

Democrats hoping to chip away at the GOP supermajority in the Missouri Senate got a big boost last week when its candidates in two swing districts won the endorsement of the state’s largest business advocacy group. 

In a third hotly contested district, the Missouri Chamber of Commerce and Industry chose not to weigh in at all. 

The Missouri Chamber, an historically Republican-leaning organization, formally endorsed Democrat Robert Sauls in Senate District 11 and Joe Pereles in Senate District 15. 

In a third race — for the 17th Senate District in Clay County — the chamber declined to endorse Republican Jerry Nolte or Democrat Maggie Nurrenbern. 

Of the 17 Senate races taking place this year across the state, the 11th, 15th and 17th are widely considered the most competitive. 

Sauls, a Democrat from Independence, is taking on Republican Joe Nicola of Grain Valley for the seat vacated by former Democratic state Sen. John Rizzo. 

Both Pereles and his GOP rival, David Gregory, are from Chesterfield. They’re vying for the seat being vacated by Republican state Sen. Andrew Koenig. 

Nurrenbern, a state representative from Kansas City, and Nolte, a former state lawmaker and presiding county commissioner, hope to replace former Democratic state Sen. Lauren Arthur. 

In announcing its endorsements, the chamber pointed to “political dysfunction” that has derailed the Senate and “stalled key business priorities, harming Missouri employers and families.”

Factional infighting between Republican members of the Freedom Caucus and the Senate’s GOP leadership has derailed the chamber for the last four years.The bad blood came to a head during the 2024 legislative session, when members of the Freedom Caucus waged a 41-hour filibuster that nearly upended the state budget. 

The 2024 legislative session was the least productive in living memory, surpassing even the COVID-shortened 2020 session in futility.

Nicola is widely expected to join the Freedom Caucus if he wins next month. Gregory is a trial attorney, a group that has bankrolled Missouri’s Freedom Caucus in recent years. 

“Ultimately, the Missouri Chamber PAC chose to endorse Sauls and Pereles because we believe they are strong candidates and will work with the business community to move Missouri forward,” said Kara Corches, the chamber’s interim president and CEO. 

In addition to its endorsement, the chamber’s PAC reported earlier this month spending $25,000 to support Pereles in the race. 

Republicans currently hold 24 of the Senate’s 34 seats. 

Democrats are expected to pick up one seat currently held by Republicans — the Boone County-based 19th District.  

Success in the 11th, 15th and 17th would give the Democrats 12 seats in the Senate, denying the GOP a supermajority for the first time since 2008. 

Sauls vs. Nicola

Senate District 11 in Jackson County includes eastern Kansas City and Independence. While held by a Democrat for the last few election cycles, former President Donald Trump carried the district in 2020 and 2016. 

Nicola, a pastor, overcame a massive fundraising disadvantage to defeat state Rep. Aaron McMullin in the August GOP primary, spending roughly $100,000 this cycle compared to $500,000 for McMullin. 

His last report, filed in September, shows only $15,000 cash on hand. 

Sauls, an attorney and former prosecutor, was unopposed in the Democratic primary and reported $202,000 cash on hand in September. Since that report was filed, a political action committee supporting his candidacy — called Independence Leadership PAC — has received $130,000 in large contributions.

Sauls began airing television ads this week, spending $134,520 so far. Nicola has not purchased broadcast time.  

Nicola brushed off the chamber’s endorsement, saying that he will be a “pro-business senator” who will “work to cut taxes, slash governmental red tape and let the free market do what it does best: promote entrepreneurship and create wealth.”

But he mostly chalks up the Missouri Chamber’s endorsement to his opposition to “vaccine mandates, China owning our farmland and taxpayer-funded DEI indoctrination.”

“I completely disagree with these positions,” he said, “and the fact that my opponent is endorsed by a group with these radical policies is telling and completely out of touch with my district.”

Pereles vs. Gregory

The 15th District includes a large portion of suburban St. Louis County, including Chesterfield and Ballwin. It has historically been a Republican stronghold, but has slowly trended towards Democrats in recent years. 

Gregory, a former state legislator, won a three-way Republican primary in August, emerging with only $30,000 in his campaign committee and $4,000 in a PAC supporting him called Show-Me Growth PAC, according to disclosure reports filed last month. 

Pereles, a retired Drury Hotel executive, was unopposed in the Democratic primary. His campaign reported $650,000 cash on hand last month, with a PAC supporting him — called Fearless PAC — receiving more than $400,000 in large donations since the primary. 

Pereles is up on TV, spending $53,000 so far on ads hammering Gregory’s support of Missouri’s abortion ban and mocking his push to build a castle in Jefferson City for his family to live in if he were to win the Senate seat. 

The Missouri Senate Campaign Committee, which supports GOP candidates, launched an ad this month trying to tie Pereles to U.S. Rep. Cori Bush and arguing that Pereles is soft on crime. 

Nurrenbern vs. Nolte

The 17th District covers Clay County and was held by Republicans until 2018, when Arthur captured the seat in a special election and cruised to an easy re-election in 2020. 

Both Nolte and Nurrenbern were unopposed in the August primary. 

Nolte reported nearly $70,000 in his campaign account in a disclosure filed last month. 

Nurrenbern reported $375,000 cash on hand as of last month in her campaign committee and another $200,000 in a PAC supporting her candidacy. 

Since the primary, the pro-Nurrenbern PAC — called Northland Forward — has received around $200,000 in large contributions. 

Nurrenbern’s campaign has spent $440,295 on TV ads, while Nolte is currently not on the air. Majority Forward, a PAC organized to support Democratic Senate candidates, has also spent $264,885 so far running a TV ad in the district. 

The Independent’s Rudi Keller contributed to this story. 

Correction: This story was updated on Oct. 11 to note that Lauren Arthur was re-elected to the Missouri Senate in 2020. 

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: [email protected]. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

What Missouri can learn about sports gambling addiction from other states

by Blaise Mesa, Missouri Independent
October 17, 2024

In states with legal sports betting, Americans are gambling on the talents of sports stars like Patrick Mahomes and Bobby Witt Jr. more and heeding the advice of certified financial advisers less.

Households across the country are skipping the stock market and using money that could otherwise be invested to bet on sports. A study, done in part by the University of Kansas, found that households bet more than $1,100 a year on average, and as money dries up, investments drop by 14%.

“If you think about it,” said Kevin Pisciotta, an assistant professor of finance at KU, “this is a gambling opportunity, unlike most things at casinos, where you could do research to fool yourself into thinking you’ve improved your odds.”

Families wagering on over/under bets instead of the stock market is one concerning trend that could come with Missouri sports betting. But there are more, and addiction counselors who spoke with The Beacon said state regulations to stop gambling addiction are weak.

On Nov. 5, Missouri voters could legalize sports gambling by passing Amendment 2 and possibly face similar problems.

How has Kansas fared? 

Kansas legalized sports betting in September 2022. There were 10 sports betting-related calls to the gambling addiction hotline by that August. In 2023, there were 66 sports betting-related calls. That’s 18% of the 377 calls.

Stephenie Roberts, a certified gambling addiction counselor, said her message to Missouri lawmakers is to make programs available to help everyone.

“Over time, they may see more bankruptcies, suicide attempts (and) embezzlements,” Roberts said. “When people find themselves suddenly in debt, they get desperate. Once your brain gets hooked, it’s like any other addiction.”

Sports betting is one of the more accessible types of gambling addictions, she said. Kansans only need to pull out their phones to bet instead of driving to a casino. Those gamblers can also bet everything in their bank account.

Accessibility isn’t the only issue — it’s the lax state regulations, said Roberts, chairperson of the South Central Kansas Problem Gambling Task Force.

Kansans can voluntarily ban themselves from a sportsbook. But they could just sign up for another in minutes. The state has no-cost counseling, but more addiction from sports betting means not enough money is put into the fund, Roberts said. And sports gambling helplines are promoted in advertisements, but that information is jammed into the final few seconds of ads.

The National Council on Problem Gambling looked at every state with legal sports gambling. It found holes in Kansas law.

A September 2024 report said Kansas was in the bottom third of states when it came to the number of standards met.

The report noted that Kansas doesn’t have state laws setting mandatory betting limits when accounts are created, doesn’t have certain types of betting limits, doesn’t require marketing campaigns on how to spot problem gambling behaviors and doesn’t mandate audits of the effectiveness of policy and progress reports.

That doesn’t mean it doesn’t happen, but Kansas law is not clearly requiring any state employees or sportsbooks to implement those rules.

The state just isn’t proactive enough, Roberts said.

“The easier you make it to go and do those activities, the more they’re going to do it and the more they’re going to develop problems associated with it,” she said.

Layne Jacobson, a Colorado-based gambling addiction counselor, said he’d tell state lawmakers to put caps on how much someone can bet, spend more on addiction prevention services and beef up monitoring of how old gamblers are.

Colorado state law requires anyone to be 21 or older to gamble. Yet he’s seen patients as young as 16 get past the firewall.

“We’re always playing catch-up with online casinos,” Jacobson said, adding that new forms of betting usually mean the casinos are ahead of addiction counselors.

Andrew Burden has placed sports bets in Kansas. He likes the added rush it brings to sports games, but he knows the dangers sports betting can pose. Burden knows people in so much debt that they excluded themselves from apps.

Burden and other bettors who talked to The Beacon said the sportsbooks do a good job of warning people about the dangers of betting. The FanDuel app, for example, will send reminders to players about how much time they’ve spent on the app and how much they bet. FanDuel even alerts players when they deposit more money than they usually do on average.

Burden said the sportsbooks could move quicker to ban players who are losing thousands, though.

“The other way around,” he said, “when people are making a lot of money … they’ll ban them from their sportsbook.”

Missouri sports betting regulations

Key Missouri lawmakers didn’t respond to questions about possible state regulations if sports gambling passes. Those who did said they aren’t aware of any discussions.

The Missouri Gaming Commission does have the ability to introduce gambling regulations. The board didn’t respond to requests for comment on what it might do. It has said in past interviews it would look to other states for help.

Unlike Kansas, Missouri would substantially beef up funding to fight problem gambling addiction.

Missouri first put money into a problem gambling addiction fund in 2001. Since then, the fund has received a total of $5.4 million. If passed, Missouri could put $5 million in the problem gambling fund every year.

The KU study 

Justin Balthrop, an assistant professor of finance at KU, said people assume he is against sports betting because of his research. He isn’t. He just wants people to understand the full consequences of sports betting.

The study, “Gambling Away Stability: Sports Betting’s Impact on Vulnerable Households,” found that the amount of money invested in the stock market fell almost every quarter for the first three years after legalization in a state. It notes that the long-term financial risks of such a shift fall more heavily on working-class households with less margin for error.

Sean Benson, who has bet on sports in Kansas, sees sports betting as something fun to do, not a way to make serious money. He can see the appeal of sports betting over the stock market, even if he doesn’t do it.

A company’s stock price will jump up or down and it isn’t always clear why, he said. But he can see with his own two eyes why a sports bet wins or loses.

“As a sports fan my entire life, it’s just what I understand more,” Benson said. “I’d probably be more into the stocks if I understood business.”

Benson doesn’t love how much sportsbooks advertise during games but thinks there are enough regulations in place to curb gambling addiction.

Balthrop said the study doesn’t have the data to suggest the perfect changes to state law. But he wants gamblers to be more aware of how easy it is to lose.

Most people know that the house always wins at a casino, he said, but sports bettors might fool themselves into thinking they have the edge by watching enough game tape. But the sportsbooks are good at winning money as well.

“A lot of the potential negative consequences could be at least softened, if not eliminated,” Balthrop said, “if people were able to be a little bit more educated around exactly what the average sports betting profile looks like.”

This post has been corrected to spell Andrew Burden’s name correctly.

This article first appeared on Beacon: Missouri and is republished here under a Creative Commons license.

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: [email protected]. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.

Missourians to vote on paid sick leave and minimum wage hike next month

by Clara Bates, Missouri Independent
October 10, 2024

A measure that would guarantee paid sick leave for over 700,000 Missouri workers who currently lack it, as well as gradually raise the minimum wage to $15, will appear on voters’ ballots next month.

The ballot initiative, called Proposition A, has been backed by various unions and workers’ advocacy groups, social justice and civil rights organizations, over 500 state business owners and others. 

Some business groups, including the state Chamber of Commerce, have opposed it, especially the guaranteed sick leave portion. But thus far there hasn’t been a coordinated opposition campaign. 

The campaign in favor of the measure, called Missourians for Healthy Families and Fair Wages, has raised over $5 million — including from out-of-state groups that don’t disclose their donors— and collected 210,000 signatures to have the issue placed on the statewide ballot.

Most expect the ballot measure to succeed, given polling, national trends with similar ballot measures and the lack of coordinated opposition. Missourians have approved minimum wage increases on the ballot twice before by wide margins. 

“We believe full-time work deserves better than poverty,” said Richard Von Glahn, campaign manager for Missourians for Healthy Families and Fair Wages, “but current minimum wage — that’s what it leads to.” 

The current minimum wage in Missouri is $12.30, which is equivalent to $492 per week, before taxes.

And without sick leave, proponents argue, workers have to choose between their financial and physical wellbeing — going into work sick or losing out on a needed paycheck.

“Everybody gets sick. Everybody has a child or someone they care for that gets sick,” Von Glahn said, “But when there’s an unequal ability to care for yourself or care for your family, that is unjust.”

Businesses would be required to provide one hour of paid sick time for every 30 hours worked, up to five days per year for small businesses and seven days per year for larger businesses. Small businesses are those with fewer than 15 employees.

Some business groups have said the proposal constitutes government overreach in what should be the decisions of business owners.

“A business owner’s ability to set their own workplace policies and procedures is really the bedrock on which our free enterprise system is built,” said Kara Corches, interim president and CEO of the Missouri Chamber of Commerce and Industry. “So this is creating a new mandate for employers in terms of wage as well as paid leave policy, that is really against that principle of ‘let business decide.”

“…We want to make sure that Missouri is the most business friendly state in the nation, and we don’t think that this proposition is sending that message,” Corches added.

Sick leave

The ballot measure would make sick leave guaranteed for 728,000 workers who currently lack it statewide, or over 1 in 3 Missouri workers, according to an analysis from the progressive nonprofit the Missouri Budget Project.

Many of those who lack paid sick leave are the lowest earners.

“Sick days are very common amongst the highest paid workers, you know, executives, those types of positions,” Von Glahn said, “but particularly in some of the lower wage industries — the industries that we’ve been calling essential for a number of years now — construction, retail, food service, nursing home, childcare workers, they lack access to this.”

Employees would be allowed to take the time for mental or physical illness, to take care of a family member, or due to a domestic violence situation, according to the proposition.

Employers could require documentation when a worker takes three or more days off in a row, such as a doctor’s note, but wouldn’t be allowed to require disclosure of detailed health information.

Corches said the paid sick leave part of the measure is what “gives us a little more heartburn, just because it’s so nebulous,” and open to interpretation. She pointed specifically to confusion around provisions that would give employees a civil cause of action to sue if employers break the law, and another provision that prohibits employers from retaliation when workers take leave. 

“Business owners have enough on their plates, just trying to, you know, keep their businesses open, retain and recruit employees, and this nine page new proposition is very complicated and is going to make compliance quite challenging,” Corches said.

If the measure passes in Missouri, the paid sick time provision will kick in on May 1, 2025.

Ray McCarty, CEO of Associated Industries of Missouri, a business advocacy organization, raised concerns that “you will have people that abuse the system,” meaning those who take sick leave who don’t qualify. McCarty said in some cases employers may need proof of the legitimate absence earlier than three days in, or need to ask for more detailed information.

Missouri would join 15 states that require employers to provide paid sick leave. The United States, unlike nearly every other country, lacks federal paid sick leave, so states, as well as cities, have taken the lead. 

In states that have adopted sick leave mandates, employees take, on average, two more sick days a year than prior to the law going into effect, a National Bureau of Economic Research report found.

Studies have found that offering paid sick time can increase workers’ productivity and reduce illness, and generally adds little or nothing to business expenses.

Nebraska and Alaska also have paid sick leave on the ballot this year.

Minimum wage

The ballot measure also would raise the state’s minimum wage to $13.75 next year and $15 in Jan. 2026. 

The increase would affect over 562,000 workers in the state, according to the Missouri Budget Project, or nearly one in every four workers. The minimum wage would be adjusted based on inflation every year after 2026.

McCarty said most members in Associated Industries of Missouri already pay at least $15 hourly, though they may not realize the “whole wage scale will slide up,” meaning raising the minimum wage could have spillover effects on other wages, for businesses to remain competitive. 

He said some employers could go over to Kansas and pay less, so may choose to be based in neighboring states. 

The states neighboring Missouri already have lower minimum wages, except for Illinois, which is $14 per hour. 

A coalition of hundreds of businesspeople in the state have signed on to support the ballot measure, arguing the policies help their bottom line, causing lower employee turnover, increased productivity and better health and safety conditions.

Ballot initiatives to raise the minimum wage are generally likely to succeed, and have previously succeeded in Missouri, amidst legislative inaction or opposition.

Voters approved a minimum-wage hike in 2006, with 75% of the vote, and again in 2018, with 62% of the vote.

Advocates have had success with ballot measures as, for years, Republicans in the legislature have voted against or failed to hear proposals to increase the minimum wage, Von Glahn said. In 2017 the legislature passed a law prohibiting cities from raising the minimum wage beyond that of the state’s, after St. Louis city passed an ordinance to raise the city’s minimum wage.

The federal minimum wage has been stagnant, at $7.25, since 2009. Thirty states, including Missouri, have a minimum wage higher than the federal one.

‘Confident it will pass’

Missourians for Healthy Families and Fair Wages has so far raised over $5 million, according to campaign filings. 

That includes two $1.2 million donations from the D.C.-based Sixteen Thirty Fund, in August and October, a progressive nonprofit that is not required to disclose its donors. Other large donors include Missouri Jobs with Justice Voter Action and the D.C.-based The Fairness Project.

The campaign has purchased over $1.4 million in television ads, slated to begin airing next week, according to Federal Communications Commission filings.

The ballot measure would change the state law but not the constitution, meaning the legislature could overturn it, but that is unlikely, McCarty said. 

“I don’t see any politician in their right mind — if this passes with a high percentage of votes, which we expect it will — I don’t see any politician in their right mind completely repealing the entire law,” he said, citing potential concerns about overturning the will of voters.

Corches said the Chamber is focused on the election and would only “start looking at, is it possible to modify this in the Capitol” if it passes.  

Von Glahn said Prop A will be a test of whether or not the legislature “respects the will of voters.”

The St. Louis University/YouGov poll conducted in August found the ballot measure had a strong backing, with 57% of those surveyed supporting it.

“We feel confident that it will pass next month, but we’re also doing the work,” Von Glahn said. “I mean, we’ve got people out canvassing every day, talking to voters about it.”

Missouri Independent is part of States Newsroom, a nonprofit news network supported by grants and a coalition of donors as a 501c(3) public charity. Missouri Independent maintains editorial independence. Contact Editor Jason Hancock for questions: [email protected]. Follow Missouri Independent on Facebook and X.